How do electoral quotas focused on a single dimension of identity affect the representation of other disadvantaged identities? In this paper, I examine the impact of quotas for marginalized ethnic groups on women’s representation and argue that, when gender norms are correlated with social status, quotas for marginalized ethnic groups may influence women’s representation. To empirically test this, I use a novel design that leverages quasi-random variation in the assignment of caste quotas for council member seats in rural Maharashtra. I find that, for seats with quotas for marginalized caste groups, the likelihood of women running for and winning political office is higher than for seats without quotas. Consistent with the theory, I find evidence suggesting that these findings are driven by differential gender norms across groups. This paper highlights how norms matter for understanding the effects of electoral quotas on representation.

Governments around the world regulate political candidacy. This paper studies the impact of electoral laws in India that disqualify citizens with more than two children from contesting local government offices. Since political officeholders significantly influence the communities they govern, these laws were designed to shape social norms around family size. I leverage variation in the law’s adoption across states within a difference-in-differences framework to examine how it affects political candidacy among Muslims, India’s largest religious minority and one of its most marginalized groups. I find that fertility limits reduce Muslim candidacy. I argue that this is due to the dilemma potential candidates face between complying with the law or adhering to social norms regarding family size. Drawing on an original survey of 500 village politicians, I find evidence consistent with my theory. This paper underscores that states’ efforts to shape social norms through electoral laws may come at the cost of marginalized groups' political representation.

This study explores a crucial aspect of decentralized government: how voting systems used to elect executives affect non-executive politicians. While existing scholarship has extensively examined the incentives and performance of government heads under different voting systems, little attention has been paid to the spillover effects of these voting systems on other elected officials. I argue that changes in voting systems affect the de facto power of legislative seats, thereby influencing who enters and remains in political races. Using unique administrative data documenting different stages of the electoral process in Maharashtra, India, I examine how a shift from indirect to direct election of village heads affects candidate nomination (entry), withdrawal (exit), and final candidacy (competition) for council member seats. I find that direct election of village heads decreases nominations, withdrawals, and the number of contesting candidates for council seats. These effects are more pronounced in council seats where the village head seat does not have the same electoral quota as the council member seat and particularly affect potential women aspirants. This research contributes to our understanding of political entry determinants and highlights unintended consequences of electoral reforms for executives on legislative representation.

Misinformation poses serious risks for democratic governance, conflict, and health. This study evaluates whether sustained, classroom-based education against misinformation can equip schoolchildren to become more discerning consumers of information. Partnering with a state government agency in Bihar, India, we conducted a field experiment in 583 villages with 13,500 students, using a 4-month curriculum designed to build skills, shift norms, and enhance knowledge about health misinformation. Intent-to-treat estimates demonstrate that treated respondents were significantly better at discerning true from false information, altered their health preferences, relied more on science, and reduced their dependence on unreliable news sources. We resurveyed participants 4 months post-intervention and found that effects persisted, as well as extended to political misinformation. Finally, we observe spillover effects within households, with parents of treated students becoming more adept at discerning information. As many countries seek long-term solutions to combat misinformation, these findings highlight the promise of sustained classroom-based education.

Misinformation can have severe consequences, especially among populations with low levels of digital literacy, education, and access to technology. A large body of literature looks at interventions to counter misinformation, but we know less about the message-level attributes that make particular pieces of information attractive. We field an in-person survey in Bihar, India, with a sample of over 6,000 adolescents to determine what factors influence the sharing of (mis)information. Using a conjoint design that randomizes a piece of information's topic, veracity, transmitter identity, original source, and social endorsement -- each in an online or offline setting with an effective sample size of ~36,000 profiles -- our study reveals three key findings. First, respondents relied on source, social endorsement, and veracity cues when deciding what information to share, with a pronounced emphasis on veracity and accuracy. Second, results revealed a bias against Muslim transmitters of information, but not Hindu transmitters, with Muslim sources being penalized more severely for disseminating false information. Finally, while social endorsement plays a significant role in information sharing, its impact varies between online and offline settings, with respondents placing greater importance on reputation-affecting cues when sharing information in-person. These results demonstrate that religious biases can extend to information processing and the online versus offline context that information is received in can significantly alter choices, demonstrating that focusing on less privileged populations in terms of access to information and digital connectivity can reveal striking findings.

We examine how extreme temperatures affect voter turnout and electoral outcomes in state assembly elections across India. Our findings reveal that both, low and high temperatures on polling days, lead to a decrease in voter turnout. We show that low temperatures exacerbate the gender gap in turnout, while high temperatures affect male and female turnout equally. The decline in turnout due to higher temperatures is especially pronounced when the morning and evening temperatures are high. Moreover, extreme temperatures increase the winner's vote share, indicating reduced electoral competition. We plan to expand our analysis to investigate the effects on winner characteristics and policy performance as a consequence of decreased electoral competition.

Studies have demonstrated that gender quotas have significant positive implications for society. Yet this evidence sits alongside anecdotal accounts of women merely serving as stand-ins for their male family members. As a step towards reconciling these contradictory claims, we develop low cost behavioral measures of public-facing representation in village councils in India. We define public-facing representation as combination of visibility and accessibility of local politicians to their constituents. Specifically, we use data from two phone audits of politicians in village councils in Bihar (n=697) and Maharashtra (n=520) to test if politicians in gender reserved village councils serve as the first point of contact for the public at large. Next, using a survey of 969 citizens Bihar we measure the extent to which residents can correctly identify the name of their village council president. Our analysis reveals that there exists significant variation in the magnitude of public facing representation in councils reserved for women, but on average women are significantly worse off than their male counterparts. Moreover, we find evidence suggesting that male family members plausibly manage/help in councils reserved. Going forward this project will trace political history within the family, and examine the division of political labor within the household.